Love, Forgiveness, and the Tolerance of Man

I wrote this many moons ago surrounding Mozart's Magic Flute while at Temple University. While I hardly believe it reveals anything new in a historical sense, it represents a time in my life when my only job was to eat, sleep and breathe music, which is enough a reason to republish it here.

Mozart's Magic Flute: Love, Forgiveness, Tolerance and the Brotherhood of Man

When reading about one of the most celebrated operas in the history of the genre, it is interesting to note that many of the reference sources available dealing with that work can only begin to fathom its complexities. The complexities themselves are often the reason such a work is so mystifying through the ages; and any explanation of the said work is often guarded by those who created the spectacle initially.

In the case of Mozart's opera, The Magic Flute, the Masonic traditions observed by the composer and its librettist (Emanuel Schickaneder) have prompted some of the most philosophical discussions in the annals of opera. Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, a fellow free-mason, speaks to the masses outside the circle of free-masonry regarding The Magic Flute: "It is enough that the crowd would find pleasure in seeing the spectacle; at the same time, its high significance will not escape the initiates."

Goethe's statement is revealing, as it points to an inner circle of beliefs and philosophies that may be the very core of The Magic Flute's libretto and music. Behind Goethe's statement lies an even deeper question to ponder: Who are the "initiates" and what is the higher meaning of The Magic Flute under the guise of Free-Masonry?

In order to answer the above questions with any sensibility, one must become more personally involved with those we can immediately identify as "initiated." The answers to the questions above seem to lead us invariably to Emanuel Schickaneder, whose libretto for The Magic Flute has multiple implications as well as now-known beliefs involving free-masonry.

Schikaneder's proposal of The Magic Flute came at a time when Mozart was quite prolific in several genres: dance music, the piano concerto in Bb major (K.595, his last) a string quartet, the Eb quintet, works for mechanical clock as well as several songs to name a few. Mozart's relationship with Schikaneder is traced to around 1780, and the proposal to write an opera for Schikaneder's theater was both fiscally and musically in Mozart's best interest.

Early Sources

Schikaneder's libretto has varied sources, and the interpolation of the sources themselves could certainly contribute to the plot's initial inaccessibility. Most research regarding the incipient plot for The Magic Flute can be traced to Jakob August Liebeskind's "Lulu oder Die Zauberflote," which was published in Christoph Martin Wieland's collection of fairy tales, Dschinnistan. (1786-1789) Loosely translated, Wieland's collection contains "selected tales of fairies and spirits, partly newly invented, partly newly translated and revised." Dschinnistan inspired other works as well, including Muller's "Kaspar der Fagottist" and Benedict Schack's "Der Stein der Weisen." Schikaneder also had cognizance of Phillip Hafner's play "Megara," dating from 1763. Magara contributed to some of the magical fairy tale elements so closely intertwined within the seriousness of The Magic Flute. Ritualistic elements, including the ancient Egyptian setting can be traced to Jean Terrasson's novel, "Sethos," dating from 1731.

The Enlightenment and Schikaneder's Free-Masonry

Masonic opera was not a new idea in Mozart's enlightened city of Vienna. Several years before the appearance of The Magic Flute, Lorenzo DaPonte had assisted the librettist Mazzola with the Masonic opera "Osiris," written by Johann Gottlieb Naumann. Naumann's opera has some traceable similarities to Flute, if not musically, then Masonically. Test scenes for Osiris used Egypt as its setting, and the struggle between good and evil was at the forefront of the libretto itself.

Although it is accepted that Schikaneder wrote the libretto for Mozart's opera, there has been some dispute about The Magic Flute's authorship. Schikaneder's wayward career and lack of any long-standing membership in any Masonic lodge may have fueled the suspect tales of false-authorship. In 1849, rumors were rife that Johann Georg Metzler (known as Giesecke) may have been responsible for the actual libretto. Julius Cornet, a tenor and opera director, published "Die Oper in Deutschland und das Theater der Neuzeit," (1849) which stated that Giesecke wrote the libretto. The information was supplied to Cornet by Giesecke himself, so it is largely circumstantial and doesn't seem to warrant any further support.

Schikaneder's standing within Free-Masonry was altogether haphazard to say the least. Research done by Brother Dr. Bernhard Beuer of Bayreuth traces Schikaneder's life as a Mason. Beuer's work states that Schikaneder entered "the craft" for worldly reasons, and was certainly not above anything scandalous or unethical, providing it was profitable. Schikaneder's letters petitioning admission to the Masons shows his need for membership in a vagrant way:

"Deeply revered gentlemen, Not curiosity or selfishness but the most sincere esteem of your exalted assembly motivates by most humble prayer for admission to your sanctuary from which, in spite of the greatest secrecy, radiates a glimmer of nobility, humanity and wisdom. Enlighten me by your wise teachings, make me in your image, and I will remain with warmest thanks, Your most honoring and humble servant, Johann Emanuel Schikaneder"

Schikaneder's letter is revealing, and shows his need for acceptance to a formal organization. The short letter also highlights his ability to stress (or at least react to) the dramatic element and self-promotion…certainly two character traits found in his Papageno.

Singspiel, Opera Comique, Opera Buffa

One of the more intriguing elements of the Magic Flute is its roots in the Singspiel tradition on the one hand, and the opera's ability to move itself outside of that same tradition on the other. Indeed, the opera has never left the active repertoire, and perhaps the proper blend of thematic, formal and musical elements could serve as testimony to its long-standing success.

"Singspiel" as a formal approach to opera-theater has long been associated with the German language. "Singspiel" as a word however, has been loosely translated. Singspiel is generally accepted as the German equivalent to the French Opera Comique. Ironically, Opera Comique has been invariably linked to the French, yet both Singspiel and Opera Comique take their cues from the Italian roots of Opera Buffa.

Singspiel was one of the reactions against opera seria and opera buffa, but for different reasons: Opera Seria had all but died by the end of the eighteenth century. The opera seria audience was ever-smaller, and the patricians seemed to be the only ones interested in the stationary nature of the stories. Opera Buffa suffered a similar fate, yet it was for quite the opposite reason. Italian opera buffa became a revolving door of deceived lovers and cowardly dilettantes. The critics are suspicious…they've seen the show before.

Singspiel was, in Flute's case, to be equated more with the opera-comique tradition. Mozart's reference of the opera-comique tradition combined with the lyric theater could be traced to Jean-Jacques Rousseau's "Le Devin du village." The work dates from 1752 and sets a prototype within the genre. Works such as Philidor's "Le Jardinier et son seigneur," (1761) Monsigny's "Le Deserteur," (1762) and Dalayrac's "Nina" (1786) brought the genre through a genesis that no longer existed solely to amuse. Opera-comique now aimed to make the audience ponder the more humane and philosophical issues. Emotional content and thought-provoking plots become part of the new order, and the French opera-comique lends a springboard from which Singspiel will leap.

Mozart's Magic Flute is without question the strongest example of the Singspiel tradition composed before or since its premiere. Mozart was not new to the Singspiel tradition, and his first attempt within the genre was in 1768. Bastien et Bastienne, composed when Mozart was 12, is treated as a parody on Rousseau's "Le Devin du village." Other pre-Flute examples of Mozart's output in Singspiel include Der Schauspieldirektor, finished in 1786, the unfinished "Zaide" dating from 1780 and a certain pre-cursor to Zauberflote: "Die Entfuhrung aus dem Serail."(1782) In the final vaudeville of Entfuhrung, a strong philosophical reference to the future Sarastro character is furnished: "Nothing is more odious than vengeance. On the contrary, to be humane, to have a good heart, and to pardon without personal resentment-that alone is characteristic of great souls."

Papageno's First Audience

The first performance of The Magic Flute took place on September 30, 1791 at the Theater auf de Wieden. Mozart was now a member of the New Crown Freemason Lodge, and was suspect to the Austrian emperor, a prime mover and benefactor in Mozart’s compositional life. Knowing that the Masons are soon to be outlawed in Vienna, Mozart realizes that The Magic Flute is his last chance to ensure that his esoteric knowledge gained through Freemasonry reaches the rest of continental Europe. The Magic Flute must become the metaphorical journey into the Enlightenment questions and ideals that remain unanswered, yet can be through Freemasonry.

Aware of this obligation, Mozart certainly intended for the opera to be seen by the widest possible audience. The theater itself was tax-exempt and was located in a downtown collection of tenements built around six courtyards outside Vienna. It is recognized that Papageno’s first audience was somewhat proletarian, but the opera was seen by a large cross-section of society. The importance of Mozart’s varied audience cannot be overstated, as the cross-culture in attendance speaks volumes about the Enlightenment ideals that the opera itself exemplifies. Equality, as well as the ability of man to act compassionately are at the nerve center of Sarastro’s character. The nobility and wisdom associated with Sarastro has prompted much speculation about Mozart’s relationship to Ignaz von Born, who was a master of Masonic symbolism and an authority respected by all Viennese Masons. The Queen of the Night, conversely, litters the stage with the passion and coloratura that clearly states her opposition to Enlightenment ideals; Perhaps this is why many scholars have equated the Queen of the night with Empress Maria Theresia. Tamino’s character as well has been equated with Joseph II, a liberator and Enlightenment advocate, who saw equality between the classes as well as unification and initiation between man and woman. This ideal comes to fruition when Tamino and Pamina complete their initiation together while the priests sing the chorus to Isis and Osiris. Mozart took a tremendous risk in his symbolism here, as he had to have known the consequences of what amounts to Masonic blasphemy. His ability to disguise the hierarchy of idealism in the opera certainly necessitated Papageno’s character. Papageno, with his simple strophic tunes and his ability to build rapport with the "cheap seats" makes his role universal within the opera’s overall scope. In the case of this opera, everyone in the audience can relate to the plight of someone on the stage, which is certainly a contributing factor in the opera’s continued success. In a sense, the opera plays to the Opera-comique traditions, the Singspiel traditions, the Opera buffa traditions, Masonic ideals, as well as the embodiment of Enlightenment Vienna simultaneously.

Musical Masonry

Much of Mozart’s Masonic music is written in the key of Eb. This key, with 3 flats is indicative of Masonic symbolism. There are other examples of the number three in the opera as well. The opening chords of the introduction sound three times, which also happens during the Temple scenes. Also represented in threes are the three temples of Wisdom, Reason and Nature. Tamino tries to open the three doors of the temple. There are 3 ladies, the attendants to the Queen of the Night, and three boys who serve as guides to Tamino and Papageno.

Contemporary Performance Practices

Mozart’s letter to his wife dated 7 and 8 October, 1791 poses some interesting questions regarding the duration of The Magic Flute, about which almost nothing is known. Mozart’s apartment is located in the Rauhensteingasse, about 20 minutes from the theater. The letter of October 7 shows that he was writing his wife by 10:30 p.m. If he walked home from the Theater and was in his apartment by 10:30, one can begin to speculate Mozart’s pacing of the opera. The performance of the opera began at 7 p.m., which is marked on the playbill. Based on the above, the spoken scenes were probably delivered at breakneck speed by today’s standards. No evidence in Mozart’s letters or otherwise suggests that the dialogue was shortened, as is the case today. Faster tempi in the musical sections also seems reasonable if we consider the above circumstances. Furthermore, Mozart probably did not leave the theater immediately at the end of the performance, and we know that 2 numbers were encored that evening. Taking all of these factors into account, it is fair to speculate that modern performances of The Magic Flute are much too slow. The opera performance on October 7/8, 1791 must have ended by 10:00 including intermission and the above factors. Sir Neville Marriner’s recording takes 2 hours, 21 minutes and 43 seconds. To hear the Magic Flute conducted by Mozart would have answered so many questions!

Mozart’s last two works, The Magic Flute and the Requiem, are ironic in nature. One looks at death outside the realm of Masonic ideals, while the opera treats life with all the virtues of Masonic and Enlightenment Vienna. Mozart’s last two works show a deep understanding of self. This is a noble place to be as a composer, and if Mozart was correct in saying that death is truly the goal of life, then his last two works surely represent the Mozartian musical ideals: Love, Forgiveness, Tolerance and the Brotherhood of Man.

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